I. Introduction
Somewhere in India, an election is almost always around the corner. In 2024, India conducted its largest general election with 968 million eligible voters, 543 constituencies,1 and an estimated expenditure exceeding ₹1.35 lakh crores.2 With this, the cycle of state elections also follows every year, each one triggering the Model Code of Conduct.3 that halts the administrative machinery and shifts the focus of governments towards the elections. It does seem that India is perpetually in election mode. The ruling Bharatiya Janata Party has been an active proponent of the One Nation, One Election (ONOE) reform that promises to break this cycle. 4 But is synchronisation really the answer, or does it threaten something far more fundamental?
II. Understanding One Nation, One Election
ONOE refers to the synchronisation of all elections, from the Lok Sabha to State Legislative Assemblies, into a single, simultaneous electoral cycle. India has previously practised this concept from 1951 to 1967, before the cycle broke down due to premature dissolution of several state assemblies.5 The Law Commission of India revisited this idea in its 170th Report (1999), recommending synchronisation on grounds of administrative efficiency and cost reduction. It further gained momentum in 2018 when the Standing Committee on Personnel, Public Grievances, Law and
Justice probed into it.6
Krishn Kaushik, India's Lok Sabha Election 2024: What You Need to Know, Reuters (Apr. 19, 2024), https://www.reuters.com/world/india/indias-lok-sabha-election-2024-what-you-need-know-/. Aishwarya Paliwal, Most Expensive Polls Ever? Nearly Rs 1.35 Lakh Crore Spent in 2024 Election, India Today (May 31, 2024), https://www.indiatoday.in/elections/lok-sabha/story/lok-sabha-election-2024expenditure-election-commission-. Election Commission of India, Model Code of Conduct, https://www.eci.gov.in/mcc (last visited June 30, 2026).
Press Information Bureau, Government of India, One Nation, One Election (Dec. 17, 2024), https://www.pib.gov.in/PressReleaseIframePage.aspx?PRID=2085082®=48&lang=2. Bibek Debroy & Kishore Desai, Analysis of Simultaneous Elections: The “What”, “Why” and “How”: A Discussion Paper, NITI Aayog (2017), https://legalaffairs.gov.in/sites/default/files/simultaneous_elections/NITI_AYOG_REPORT_2017.pdf. Law Commission of India, Draft Report: Simultaneous Elections – Constitutional and Legal Perspectives (Aug. 30, 2018), https://legalaffairs.gov.in/sites/default/files/simultaneous_elections/LCI_2018_DRAFT_REPORT.pdf.
In September 2023, a high-level committee headed by former President Ram Nath Kovind was constituted for examining the proposal. The report was submitted in March 2024, 7 pointing out several benefits of the same and proposing a two-phase implementation: first, synchronisation of Lok Sabha and state assembly elections, and then local body elections within 100 days. In December 2024, the Union Government introduced constitutional amendment bills on the basis of these recommendations. They were referred to a Joint Parliamentary Committee for detailed parliamentary scrutiny, and as of 2026, the proposal remains under scrutiny. 8
III. The Case for ONOE
The most prominent argument for ONOE is fiscal. The cost of conducting elections has been rising dramatically. In 1951-52, the costs were a modest 10.5 crores. In 2019, the number rose to 50,000 crores, and the 2024 election costs are estimated to be around 1.35 lakh crores;9 add to this the expenditure on annual state assembly elections.
It raises the question whether India is spending disproportionately on the conduct of elections, when the same finances could have been utilised for healthcare, public welfare, or education. Governance disruptions take the next lead. Every election invokes the Model Code of Conduct (MCC), which can halt policymaking and developmental activities for several months. Two economists, Bibek Debroy and Kishore Desai, revealed how the MCC disrupted governance for about 7 months in 2014 cumulatively in different states and nationwide. States may lose up to 300 days of their 5-year elected tenure through campaigns, polling, and governance paralysis. 10 Elections further create administrative issues for institutions like schools and police stations. Teachers may get severely involved as booth-level officers and polling staff during such cycles, as mandated by the Election Commission, and police personnel get highly engaged in election duties, pivoting their priorities from other important matters. ONOE can seriously lower the extent of such problems.
High Level Committee on Simultaneous Elections, Report of the High-Level Committee on Simultaneous Elections (Mar. 14, 2024), https://onoe.gov.in/HLC-Report.
Jacob Koshy, Tenure of Joint Parliament Committee Examining Simultaneous Polls Extended, The Hindu (Mar. 18, 2026), https://www.thehindu.com/elections/tenure-of-joint-parliament-committee-examiningsimultaneous-polls-extended/article70384907.ece. Nandini Singh, Lok Sabha Election 2024: How Much Does It Cost to Hold Elections in India?, Business Standard (Apr. 19, 2024), https://www.business-standard.com/elections/lok-sabha-election/lok-sabha-election2024-how-much-does-it-cost-to-hold-elections-in-india-_1.html. Debroy & Desai, supra note 5.
India's perpetual election cycle also distorts governance priorities. Freebies, which are shortterm handouts often announced to attract voters, have become a defining feature of Indian elections.11 With elections taking place somewhere in the country almost throughout the year, governments frequently prioritise immediate, visible benefits over long-term structural reforms. The Kovind Committee observed that simultaneous elections would allow elected representatives to devote greater attention to governance and development rather than being in a constant cycle of campaigning. 12
IV. The Case Against ONOE
The amendments to Articles 83, 85, 172, 174 and 356 of the Constitution are required. Therefore, a major constitutional overhaul is needed to implement ONOE.13 Synchronising the electoral cycles of all State Legislative Assemblies with that of the Lok Sabha would inevitably necessitate curtailment or extension of tenure of several assemblies.
The coincidence of state and national elections raises the possibility of state concerns being subordinated to the broader national political narrative. This concern is substantiated by empirical evidence from a study by IDFC Institute which revealed that 77% voters voted for the same party in parliamentary and assembly elections when held together, as against 61% when held separately. This convergence in voting behaviour has also become more pronounced over time, with same-party voting in simultaneous elections rising from 68% in 1999 to 86% in 2014. 14 The democratic value of elections is that citizens can hold governments accountable and demand change when public expectations are not met. In a federal republic where real electoral chances come only once every five years, then democracy can be reduced to a process from
Janees Rafiq, The Political, Economical and Psychological Impact of Electoral Freebies in Indian Politics: A Critical Study, 7 Journal of Constitutional Law and Jurisprudence 1 (2024), https://www.researchgate.net/profile/JaneesRafiq/publication/388475731_The_Political_Economical_and_Psychological_Impact_of_Electoral_Freebies_in _Indian_Politics_A_Critical_Study/links/6799f5f952b58d39f259334a/The-Political-Economical-andPsychological-Impact-of-Electoral-Freebies-in-Indian-Politics-A-Critical-Study.pdf. High Level Committee on Simultaneous Elections, supra note 7.
Zheer Ahmed & Samuel Kuruvilla, The Idea of One-Nation, One-Election: Its Potential Risk and Significance for India, 16(2) Journal of Polity and Society (2024), https://journalspoliticalscience.com/index.php/i/article/download/737/135/2948. Praveen Chakravarty, State Assembly Elections: Nudging the Voter in One Direction, The Hindu (Apr. 6, 2016), https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/state-assembly-elections-nudging-the-voter-in-onedirection/article8438114.ece. the top down where voters use their voice only on election day and have few ways to hold governments to account between.
Critics also point out that upon closer examination, the cost logic of ONOE looks far thinner than expected. A disaggregation reveals that once-in-five-years assembly election costs amount to under 0.02% of total state budget expenditure over the same period. Further, simultaneous elections would require procuring nearly double the number of EVMs — a substantial upfront capital cost that significantly offsets any recurring savings. 15
V. Concluding Remarks
One Nation, One Election undoubtedly resolves to correct many real concerns regarding elections in the largest democracy; however, the disagreements and objections to its implementation cannot be ignored. Federalism, regional representation, voter behaviour and the practicalities of synchronising electoral cycles are not incidental matters. A constitutional overhaul of such an extent needs pilot studies and on-ground research. A prudent first step would be a limited pilot: states whose election dates already fall in close proximity could voluntarily synchronise their polls, with an expert panel studying the federal, fiscal, and democratic impact.
A reform that seeks to reconfigure the electoral architecture of India must be judged not only in terms of the costs it saves, but also in terms of the constitutional values it preserves.
P. Thiaga Rajan, One Nation, One Election: A Poor Argument for Cost Savings and the Need for Increased Poll Spending, The Wire (Sept. 3, 2023), https://thewire.in/politics/one-nation-one-election-a-poor-argumentfor-cost-savings-and-the-need-for-increased-poll-spending.